Great points Jose and Francisco. As both of you mentioned, there are two major obstacles in operationalizing the right to development in real terms and those are 'lack of political will' and 'corruption'. Both of these are many times the cause and effect of each other, as we will see in the next session on development aid (which I really like discussing). In a lot of ways, lack of political will of the developed countries can be attributed as a major obstacle to RtD. On the other hand, corruption in developing countries (and in some developed countries) is also one major obstacle. But the important thing is that lack of political will of developed countries and corruption in developing countries feed on each other! But more of that in the next session. There are many more obstacles and I am sure our colleagues will point some of them out as well.
Having said that, as I mentioned in my presentation, RtD started off in the 1980s, and was essentially on the backburner until the economists (like Sen) started challenging the concept of development as economic growth only. Once that was done in 1998, the human rights field took note of it and practically revived the concept of 'right to development' as well. And it was only after that, that the first special rapporteur, Arjun Sengupta, was appointed to make sense of RtD. From 1999 to about 2006, Sengupta's job was to expand the contents and scope of the RtD and produce literature on it, which was lacking. And only in the last six or seven years have we seen the operationalization of RtD begin to take shape.
The Endorois case is a good example of this fact. Despite being on the statute book (the African Charter), RtD was never invoked or pronounced upon by the African Commission until 2009. And that was because no one knew what its contents were! And no one knew how to decide whether a violation of RtD has taken place or not (the vector model was not existing). But now, after Sengupta's work, the African Commission used it to find against the Kenyan Government a violation of RtD.
Similarly, on the policy, monitoring and evaluation side of things, new criteria and sub-criteria are being developed to measure RtD. There is a whole unit now at the OHCHR dealing with operationalizing the RtD.
So following are the questions:
a. Is the elaboration of the concept of RtD in the Endorois decision comprehensive enough to reflect the real essence of RtD? Is there anything in particular in the jurisprudence of the case that is useful? Given that the Kenyan Government has still not implemented the Endorois decision, is there any value-added by the Endorois decision or is it only lip-service?
b. Is the High Level Task-Force's work on elaborating the criteria and sub-criteria on RtD any good? If records of States, individually and collectively, start being measured in terms of the document, will it help to create a more holistic understanding of human rights situation in the world? Or is this window dressing as well?